Saturday, 22 June 2019

LOKPAL- ANOTHER REHAB HOME FOR RETIRED JUDGES AND BUREAUCRATS

Short of a decade after Anna Hazare led Anti Corruption Movement took the nation by storm from Jantar Mantar, the Lokpal is a reality in the country. As soon as the agitation had begun gathering momentum, the then UPA government led by Man Mohan Singh brought in a Bill in 2011 that was derided by the activists as Jokepal. They came up with a draft bill touted as Jan Lokpal. After some stalemate the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 became a reality in 2014. To be precise it became effective from 16 Jan 2014. But the appointment of the first Chairman and members of the Lokpal took another five years.

As expected it is a body of retired judges and bureaucrats. To be precise, a judiciary-headed, judiciary-heavy quasi judicial organization. The Chairman is a retired judge of the Supreme Court, PC Ghose. In fact he has sidestepped from the National Human Rights Commission where he had been a member only. The other four judicial members are: former Allahabad High Court Chief Justice Dilip Babasaheb Bhosale, former Jharkhand High Court Chief Justice Pradip Kumar Mohanty, former Manipur High Court Chief Justice Abhilasha Kumari and current Chief Justice of Chhattisgarh High Court Justice Ajay Kumar Tripathi. The non judicial members have been divided among the bureaucrats with the members of the IAS, as usual, taking extra advantage over the others. The four bureaucrats favored with the new sinecure are: Maharashtra Chief Secretary Dinesh Kumar Jain (IAS), retired IPS officer and ex-DG of Sashastra Seema Bal Archana Ramasundaram, retired IRS official Mahender Singh and retired IAS officer I P Gautam, who is currently the full time managing director of Gujarat Metro Rail Corporation (GMRC) Limited.

This much is bare data. Now the issues that knowledgeable citizens should confront.

RC Iyer has made some arguments in an article, ‘Lokpal: The institution is useful but its design is not thought through’, in the Indian Express of 25 Mar 2019 (https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/lokpal-pinaki-chandra-ghose-supreme-court-corruption-5640705/)

The aim here is to highlight certain other factors.

A Supreme Court bench of P. Sathasivam and B.S. Chauhan, in State Of Orissa & Anr. Vs. Mamata Mohanty, on 9 February, 2011, had made the following observation:

19. Therefore, it is a settled legal proposition that no person can be appointed even on a temporary or ad hoc basis without inviting applications from all eligible candidates. If any appointment is made by merely inviting names from the Employment Exchange or putting a note on the Notice Board etc. that will not meet the requirement of Articles 14 and 16 of the Constitution. Such a course violates the mandates of Articles 14 and 16 of the Constitution of India as it deprives the candidates who are eligible for the post, from being considered. A person employed in violation of these provisions is not entitled to any relief including salary. For a valid and legal appointment mandatory compliance of the said Constitutional requirement is to be fulfilled. The equality clause enshrined in Article 16 requires that every such appointment be made by an open advertisement as to enable all eligible persons to compete on merit.



Now, here is the provision of the Search Committee (Constitution, Terms and Conditions of appointment of members and the manner of selection of Panel of Names for appointment of Chairperson and Members of Lokpal) Rules, 2014 on preparation of the panel:

10. Preparation of panel of names by Search Committee. —
(1) The Search Committee shall prepare a panel of persons to be considered by the Selection Committee for appointment as the Chairperson and Members of the Lokpal, from amongst the list of persons provided by the Central Government in the Department of Personnel and Training.
(2) The Central Government shall for the purposes of sub-rule (1),-
(i) circulate the vacancies to the Registrar of the Supreme Court and Registrars of High Courts, Chief Secretaries of the State Governments and Secretaries in the Departments and Ministries of the Central Government calling for nomination of eligible candidates; and
(ii) advertise the vacancies to directly invite applications from the eligible candidates:
Provided that in case of applicants applying directly, the applicants shall furnish a letter of recommendation from one eminent person who is or has been associated with vigilance or dealing with anticorruption issues.
Does the list of appointees indicate that anybody from eligible candidates as mentioned in para 10(2)(ii) had been considered? Or is it that none of them could compete with the bureaucrats? The same lot who have reduced government administration to a synonym for corruption and treason over the years?
Also, Sec 2(b) of the Act mandates that (The Lokpal shall consist of) such number of Members, not exceeding eight out of whom fifty per cent shall be Judicial Members:
Provided that not less than fifty per cent of the Members of the Lokpal shall be from amongst the persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities and women.

Though, personally, I am against such reservation, in any form, anywhere, given the mandate of the current law, I doubt if the provisions of Sec 2(b) has been complied with.

Going further, Article 124 (7) of the Constitution of India states that: "No person who has held office as a Judge of the Supreme Court shall plead or act in any court or before any authority within the territory of India."

Now I do not know any other meaning attached to the word act in the above article, other than the straight forward one. To my mind, given the context, act includes being the chairperson or member of a quasi judicial organisation. Anyhow, I sought to clear my doubts from the horse‘s mouth itself by filing an application under the RTI Act addressed to the Public Information Officer of the Supreme Court on 23 Feb 2017.

The information sought, regarding Art 124, 216 and 220 of the Constitution*, were:

1.1.   Any amendments made to the above articles where by judges other than the CJI and Chief Justices of High Courts are permitted to use the honourific Justice before their names, during their service and after retirement. 
1.2.   Any amendments to the above articles whereby retired judges of the apex court and high courts are permitted to be appointed to various bodies like National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and State Human Rights Commissions (SHRCs) and other bodies.
1.3.   Article 124 (7) of the Constitution of India states that: "No person who has held office as a Judge of the Supreme Court shall plead or act in any court or before any authority within the territory of India." How is the sanctity/spirit of this article maintained by, say, the Chairman of the NHRC when his orders/directions/decisions are liable to be questioned in the apex court  or say, account for his decisions/actions to the Prime Minister or any other minister.
2.      What are the perks provided to retired judges of the apex court, specifically in terms of secretarial and security services and personal assistants?
3.      Has the apex court complied with Sec 4(1)(b) of the RTI Act? If the information has been published on the web site then its URL should be provided.

The reply, dated 10 Mar 2017, from the Public Informatio Officer, stated as follows:

Point No. 1(1.1, 1.2., 1.3) : It is beyond the jurisdiction and scope of the duties of the CPIO, Supreme Court of India under the Right to Information Act, 2005 to interpret the Iaw, judgments/orders of this Hon'ble Court or of any other Court, to give explanation, opine, comment or advise on matters. Your request is not covered under Section 2 (f) of the Right to Information Act, 2O05
Point No. 2: You may, if so advised, refer to 'Supreme Court Judges (Salaries and Conditions of Service) Act, 1958 as amended from time to time which is already in public domain and available at the website of Department of justice i.e www.doj.gov.in.
Point No. 3: Yes. You may if so advised refer to the Supreme Court  website viz. www.sci.nic.in at the link 'Right to Information Act' at the Home Page for the desired information.

Needless to say, the reply was absurd. It is obvious that no explanation, opinion, comment or advise had been sought, except may be in para 1.3. Also the Public Information Officer is mandated to provide the information sought as such and not references where it can be accessed. (Just to get the record straight, even on 30 Mar 2019, on searching for ‘'Supreme Court Judges (Salaries and Conditions of Service) Act, 1958’ at http://www.doj.gov.in/ only an error message was returned.)

Since this is not an effort to evaluate the performance of the judiciary as such, let me get back to the issue of quasi judicial organizations being rehab homes for retired judges and bureaucrats.  Here I will just ask one question for now. Why should we have so many quasi judicial organizations and all of them constituting of retired judges and bureaucrats? One of the apparently logical arguments is that they are constituted to deal with specific matters in a simple and time bound manner. Unfortunately, the reality speaks otherwise. I shall just narrate two examples, one from the Palakkad District Consumer Disputes Redressal Forum and another from the Kerala State Informatio. Commission.

In OP 282/99 (OP No 85/95 transferred from Malappuram), the opposite party had produced interim stay order on 28/10/99 and the stay was vacated only  on 8/6/2005 but throughout this period the case was listed 58 times and adjourned! It was finally posted for orders on 6/7/07 but was opened for re-hearing suo moto on 15/2/08 and went on an adjournment spree from 3/3/08 to 31/5/2010. During this spree it was adjourned 17 times, including 5 times for want of members/President and 10 times for orders only! It was dismissed when an application was submitted under the RTI Act to find out the status!
The Consumer Protection Act mandates that a consumer dispute should be resolved within 3 months. In response to a complaint to the Chief Minister during his Public Contact Program, the President claimed that it was only a guide line. (For more details, please the complaint at http://raviforjustice.blogspot.in/2011/11/chief-ministers-contact-program.html)

The Right to Information Act is the most simple, clear and unambiguous of all laws in our country. The information commissioners, who are the quasi judicial authorities, empowered to enforce the law and penalize defaulting public information officers have one of the easiest tasks that can be imagined. Their task is certainly much, much simpler than that of a munsif in our judiciary though the status, pay and perks are equal to The Chief Election Commissioner, Election Commissioner and the Chief Secretary to a State Government. There is no reason that they should not dispose of cases on a first come, first served basis. But even here they have not only messed up the process but totally subverted the system. (Please read my blog at http://raviforjustice.blogspot.in/2011/11/chief-ministers-public-contact-program.html and http://www.slideshare.net/raviforjustice/the-worst-order-by-an-information-commissioner-under-the-right-to-information-act )

It was after exhausting all the remedies to get the information commissioners to function in the letter and spirit of the law that I decided to approach the Lokayukta, Kerala with a complaint against the then Chief Minister, Ommen Chandy, and the Chief Information Commissioner of the Kerala State Information Commission. The proverbial last straw that broke the camel’s back was a letter from the General Administration Department of the Government of Kerala stating that the government could not interfere in the working of the information commission as it was a constitutional authority. This was in blatant violation of Sec 27 of the RTI Act which mandated the competent authority to make rules to carry out the provisions of this Act and to provide for the procedure to be adopted by the Information Commission in deciding the appeals under sub-section (10) of section 19; and hence it was presumed that the matter could be disposed off without any hassles.

And that is where the exposure of the wayward functioning of the Lokayukta began.

From the website of the Lokayukta I learnt that they had been conducting sittings outside Thiruvananthapuram. Even now it informs us that they conduct sittings at Kottayam, Ernakulam, Kozhikkode, Thalassery and Kannur. Now all these stations are district headquarters except Thalassery. (It is pertinent to note here that a former Chairman of the Kerala State Human Right Commission, Mr Mohan Kumar, a retired judge of the Kerala High Court, held sittings regularly on the 1st of every Malayalam month at Guruvayur, a pilgrim center in the Thrissur district). I could also download the format of the application form from the website. A note in this form stated that the complaint along with supporting documents have to be sent in quadruplicate plus additional copies @ one per respondent. This complaint I sent by courier on 17/09/2015. In the covering letter I had also requested to enable me to attend the hearing when held at Palakkad or through video conferencing. I had submitted a report of the MRI scan of my spine in support of my inability to move. I had also cited my inability to leave my aged father alone for more than 2 hour at a stretch.

The next I heard from the Lokayukta office was through a telephone call on 27/09/15. The caller identifying himself as a public servant of the filing section, asked me to report at their Thiruvananthpuram office to correct two mistakes. The first one was regarding an additional original copy required because one of the respondents was the CM. Though a queer requirement (two originals?), I sent two additional ink signed copies through courier on 05/10/2015. The other was that the list of documents attached was not sufficient and an index with page numbers was required. I sent sufficient copies of this too on 05/10/2015.

There being no response thereafter a letter was sent to the Lokayukta on 31/03/16. And that was the end of the sordid saga of seeking justice from the Lokayukta in what I would term a water tight case.

I would request the readers to visit the official web site of the Kerala Lokayukta, https://www.lokayuktakerala.gov.in, and verify for themselves the following facts:
one, the formats of the complaint provided in English and Malayalam. While the misleading information about the number of copies continues in the form, even the formats in both the languages are not identical. The Malayalam version has an index shown in the beginning, before the Statement of complaint part. The next is accessibility to judgments and the information required to be disclosed proactively under Sec 4(1(b) of the RTI Act. While the websites of the high courts and Supreme Court have facilities for accessing their judgment  by judge’s or petitioner’s or respondent’s name and also the case type and number the Lokayukta website needs the case number, which is not available to anybody who is not party to any case. And the information under Sec 4(1)(b)? The only info available is the contact details of the Public information Officer and the First Appellate Authority.

The only time a couple of reports appeared in the media here about the Lokayukta was when the then Lokayukta and Upalokayukta had had a spat on some issue. Another report that appeared in the Mathrubhumi daily of 05/12/2018, was about how the Upalokayukta was misled by a complainant regarding the art festival and gave a verdict contrary to the one given by the Lokayukta earlier. The matter was thereafter reported to the police for investigation.

In the whole business of quasi judicial organizations what I find obnoxious is the blatant violation of the laws by those very authorities who are tasked to enforce those laws. Also, equally preposterous is the re-employment of retired judges and bureaucrats to these offices. This is not only a gross waste of tax payers’ money but also a blatant form of corruption. Just compare the cost to the exchequer of a munsif and an information commissioner and the dimension of the waste should become obvious. In one report that appeared in MSM, 18 of the 20 apex court judges who had retired during a particular interval of time had been given sinecures. Even the appointment of former CJI P Sathasivam as Governor of Kerala had invited criticism that it was quid pro quo for helping a political heavyweight in a case he had decided. The Lokayuktas have the status of Chief Justices of high courts and Upalokayukta that of a judge of the high court.

Lastly is the positive bearing the merging of these authorities with the judiciary will have on the judge to docket ratio. The only reason that the judges and their advocates have been touting for the delay in deciding cases is the judge to population ratio. This obviously is grossly misleading. The number of cases filed is never proportional to the population. So the right yardstick will be the judge to case/docket ratio, which is about one fourth for judges in India compared to their counterparts in the US of A. So if the quasi judicial authorities are merged with the judiciary this ratio will improve considerably. Data of cases disposed of by consumer fora/commissions and information commissions would reveal that these quasi judicial authorities are merely having paid holidays at the taxpayers’ cost.


05 Apr 2019

ELECTIONS-THE DANCE OF DEMOCRACY OR...

It’s another election season in the country. I have heard it being described as the dance of democracy. But the reality is far from it. Way back in 2002, in an unpublished article ‘Democracy? East is East and West is West…’ I had written:
Out, party-based democracy; In, real democracy. It is a fact that party-based democracy itself has failed in this country. So will the Presidential system, as in the US of A, work in our context? No guarantee, there. But can’t we think afresh, keeping in mind the lessons we have learnt from our own experiences in the past fifty years? Shouldn’t we tailor our solutions to suit our problems? Here is one suggestion: Our government should function at three levels. Villages should form the units of administration. Villages should be linked through computer networks to the next level of governance, that is the State. States should be linked to the government at the Center. Polls should be conducted to elect representatives to an Electoral College (EC). These representatives, Members of Electoral College (MEC), can be one per 500 or 1000 of the population, but should necessarily be one amoung them. MECs from the village will function as the Village Panchayat (VP). The VP will send a representative from amoung them to the State Legislature (SL) on need basis. This need will be decided by the agenda before the Legislature and the competence of the MEC to address the issues in the agenda. The agenda, of course, will be circulated by the State Secretariat well in advance so that the issues are discussed thoroughly at the VP and every VP can send its best spokesperson for the occasion to the SL. A similar exercise can follow for issues at the national level taken up for consideration in the Parliament. Of necessity, the discussions should start at the VP, ensuring the best democratic process at work always. And there shall never be defections and toppling of governments for the five years for which each Electoral College shall function!
(You may read the full article at http://suchnaexpress.blogspot.com/2011/01/democracyeast-is-east-and-west-is-west.html)
Utopian? Or just mere flights of fancy? You are free to decide. Except for the change that necessarily will have to be painful, I am sure it is workable.
That our electoral processes is riddled with problems is a fact that none can deny. But more than the problems at the execution level, which we shall touch upon later, there are grossly illogical and wayward policies that dominate our electoral process. We can call them genetic defects.
A Whatsapp message, attributed to Sundar Pichai, CEO of Google, begins with the observation ‘while even under trials in prison cannot vote, convicts in prison can contest elections’. And in our context conviction implies the ultimate conviction by the apex court, which can take as much as the life of one generation. Even then the law is explicit that even those convicted, with less than 2 years imprisonment as punishment, can stake claims to be a law maker! As if there is dearth of citizens with unblemished records.
The next obvious defect is the lack of any prescribed qualifications, qualities or experience for being a law maker.  A question of providing equal opportunity? Please do not make me cry at a joke.
Another defect is the questionable provision for a candidate to contest from more than one constituency at a time. Is there any need to elaborate on the absurdity of this?
A related issue is of candidates being thrust on constituencies where they are not ordinarily resident. This is obviously a basic flaw with party based democracy whereby the candidates who win remain beholden to party leadership and not to the ones who elected them. There is no reason why one amongst the residents of a constituency cannot be put up to represent them. It should be made legally mandatory for a candidate to be a resident of the constituency from where he is contesting elections. The period of residence should be at least 5 years for state assemblies and 10 years for the Parliament. (All these are short term changes with the long term change being the one advocated at the beginning itself.)
The next objectionable issue is the back door entry of politicians into the Parliament. I mean politicians, failed or about to be written off, taking the Rajya Sabha route to Parliament. The Upper House is actually conceived as a body of specialists, professionals and others who have proved their worth is different spheres of activities and whose expertise would add to the overall performance of the Parliament. But except film stars and may be a cricketer or two this body is also seen to be hijacked by politicians.
What to talk of election manifestoes which are not worth the paper they are printed on? There is an online petition I had initiated demanding that these manifestoes must be legally binding on the parties presenting them. (The petition is available at https://www.change.org/p/the-president-probity-in-elections-by-eliminating-frauds-in-election-manifestoes) The following requirements have been highlighted:
The promises made in the manifesto should be listed priority wise for implementation. There could be three priorities-must do, should do, could do. While all promises under must do have to be fulfilled, it could be 90 pc for the should do and 80 pc for the could do priorities. The phased program of implementation should also be specified and should not go beyond 5 years. For every percentage short fall there should be penalties at deterrent rates for the three categories.
The resources required for implementing should be specific.
The means by which the resources will be mobilised should also be specified in detail.
There should be no freebies for anybody.
Amoung the seemingly proactive changes that have been brought in by the Election Commission, goaded by the judiciary, is the need to file affidavits by the candidates about their wealth and that of their relations. Also to be filed are the details about their convictions in criminal cases and their involvement in ongoing criminal cases. Unfortunately, this has remained just a scare crow. Firstly, this information is not made available to the voters to help them make informed choices. An NGO, Association for Democratic Reforms, has been making valiant efforts in the past to compile some of this pertinent information and disseminate it but that is almost like the tip of the proverbial iceberg of information that needs to be disseminated.
In a conclave of judges of the higher judiciary at Bhopal a few years ago, the then Chief Justice of India had reportedly asked the Chief Election Commissioner what action has ever been taken on such data and the reply was none. Just to reduce the shock it was added that the CEC had no resources to scrutinize the voluminous data available and they only look into complaints made by affected parties!
This time another new mandate has been issued. The candidates have to file their income tax returns for the last five years. Obviously sitting MPs contesting now may expose how much their wealth has grown in the last five years. But to what extent this info will be known to the public and how it will impact their choice remains to be seen.
Strictly speaking, there is no reason why the returning officers should not be made responsible for compiling and disseminating these information atleast one week before the date of polling.
While these are policy related shortcomings that need to be taken care of, there are plenty of defects and deficiencies in the implementing stage.
The updating of electoral rolls is a major area that needs attention. I remember my first effort to get my name registered in the electoral rolls almost 20 years back. I was bluntly told that the revision of electoral rolls will take place shortly before the next elections. Thereafter, just 10 days after I got my Voters I Card, when I went to cast my first vote my name was in the list of voters removed from the electoral roll! I did complain to the observer in situ itself and on his advice lodged a written complaint with the District Electoral Officer who was the District Collector himself. No marks for guessing what happened to that complaint. Worse, in one case some of those who were in my situation had actually approached the High Court claiming that their fundamental right as a citizen had been violated. But the court dismissed that petition with the remarks that even if those petitioners had voted it would not have affected the results.
The errors in the electoral rolls are also a matter of serious concern. I had had the opportunity to help out two candidates for the local body elections with the verification of the electoral rolls. From names to gender, age and address there was not one area where there were no serious errors. The simplest of examples would be of husbands being shown as female and wife as male. Non intimation of change of address is a problem of the voter’s creation.
Incidentally the inimitable Adhaar has not been linked to the Voters’ I Card and electoral roll.  Isn’t it time that this was done and remote voting enabled through electronic means? Well, that brings us also to another need-to network EVMs on constituency basis so that not only the results get updated in real time but also the confidentiality of booth wise preference of the electorate is protected.
As soon as elections were announced on 10 March, the Chief Electoral Officer lost no time in declaring that he meant business and the Model Code of Conduct would be enforced strictly. Brave words, indeed; but nothing new, for sure. What happens really on ground? Here are some facts disclosed under the RTI Act in the context of the General Elections 2014.
Among the information sought was
The details of cases of defacement acted upon by the teams*, in para 4**, since their deployment till two days prior to the date of providing information. The details should include the date, time, location, type/nature of defacement, party/candidate involved, action taken by the ADS(like movable boards removed and deposited at .(location where deposited); defacement of walls whitewashed etc; removing and whitewashing done by ......@ cost of Rs........; whether payment made or not, amount raised against party/candidate vide (document reference and date) sent by courier/regd post (regn number required) on (date), total distance covered, fuel consumed, nature of fuel.
*Anti Defacement Squads
**pertains to the area of Palakkad Municipality

Now the first response was that the information can be collected after inspecting the documents on a date that was almost a month away. The first appellate authority ruled that the delay is acceptable as everybody was busy with election work. He directed the information to be provided by 15 Jun 2014, that is after a further delay of 45 days. Accordingly some information was provided 12 Jun 2014. The first appeal filed after receveing this information was not accepted.

The most important bits of information provided are listed below.

There were 13 Anti Defacement Squads organised in the Lok Sabha Constituency, one each for the 12 Legislative Assembly Constituencies and one for the District Electoral Officer.
 Each squad consisted of a Junior Superindentent level public servant, as head of the squad, two subordinates, one videographer and a driver with vehicle.  The total diesel consumed between 17/3/14 to 29/3/14 alone was 3,747 liters. The squads had recorded cases of defacements under 5 headings- wall writing, posters, banners and others. Total number of such defacement of public property had been 149,333.

Interestingly, such cases in the matter of private property have not been recorded at all. Though the Model Code of Conduct states unambiguously that ’No political party or candidate shall permit its or his followers to make use of  any individual’s land, building, compound wall etc., without his permission for erecting flag-staffs, suspending banners, pasting notices, writing slogans etc.’

Also, though listed, absolutely no cases have been recorded in the matter of misuse of vehicle, violation of loudspeaker act, illegal meetings/speech etc, inducement/ gratification to electors /cash, kind distribution. This a far cry from the reality. At least one thing one can vouch for- there have been many violation of the loudspeaker act because many a vehicle could be seen plying making announcements though the permission, when given, strictly prohibits such announcements from moving vehicles.

The most interesting piece of information received was ‘Candidature cost of Anti Defacement’.  The figures are : UDF-110100, LDF-118000, BJP-42100, Welfare Party-1650, SDPI-2670, BSP-1142, AAP-1050, M P Virendra Kumar (Indep)-2100.  Though sought, the information about recovery of these amounts had not been provided.

Then there was this case of Mr Ramesh Krishna, IAS, assigned as observer to Kollam (Kerala) who went to Thiruvananthapuram to play golf (as reported in the media here). He was immediately withdrawn. But seeking information under the RTI Act on what disciplinary action had been taken against him the Public Information Officer of the CEC dismissed the media reports as ‘perception‘ and that no further action had been taken against him.

One doesn’t know how many people will be remembering those video reports of Ms Nalini Singh reporting of booth capturing during elections in Bihar and UP. Maybe those thuggish crimes have reduced, may not be entirely due to the efforts of the Election Commission or the public servants involved in conducting the elections. I will credit the social media and citizens journalists with a major share of the compliments for the visible positive changes. But there still is along way to go before we can usher in democracy through fair and free elections.

Before concluding, I must inform the readers here that I have registered a complaint with the Cheif Electoral Officer of the State (Kerala) about defacing the walls of private property by the UDF candidate, Mr V K Sreekandan, here. This is just a test case. It is more than 48 hours since I complained and demanded that the posters should be removed from the compound walls of the plot adjoining my house within 48 hours. The plot belongs to my children who are out of the state. A compensation of Rs 50,000/- has also been sought for trespassing into private property, as such defacement is to be viewed. Copy of the complaint has also been endorsed to the CEC.  Shall keep you posted of any furhter developments.


26 Mar 2019

Wednesday, 5 December 2018

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA

I happened to see the video clip of your address on the Constitution Day. Since I could not download the video from https://www.bloombergquint.com/in-the-news/chief-justice-of-india-on-constitutional-morality#gs.Z_N8nhk I just downloaded the text from the website of the apex court. Your exhorting on Constitutional morality actually reminded of two quips: the devil quoting scripture and prostitutes talking of chastity. What with 3 crores cases pending with our courts and our judges enjoying holidays like in colonial times! 

May I also ask why do aggrieved parties need to approach courts through advocates when the judges are expected to be conversant with the laws and the parties are conversant with the facts? I know that legally a litigant can approach the court in person. But I have personal experience of how complainants appearing in person even in consumer ‘courts’ are treated. (The obnoxious functioning of quasi legal authorities shall be touched upon later.) And don’t advocates disturb the level playing field available to litigants when they themselves have to present the facts before law qualified judges?

Fali S Nariman in his book 'India's Legal system: Can it be saved? Has stated that ‘For more years than I can imagine we lawyers have been using our lawyering skills not in a profession but in a game, in which the more skilful (which tends to become also the more costly), will invariably win.’

Coming to costs, particularly the fees of advocates, isn’t it obnoxious that when beating heart surgeries cost less than 10 lakhs as a package, advocates charge even Rs 1 crore just for conference? Just recollect the recent case of Arun Jaitley charging Aravind Kejriwal of defamation and the latter paying about Rs 2 crore plus to Ram Jethmalani from public funds for defending him. When the matter of public funds being wasted for defending someone in what was purely a personal case, was, rightly, taken up with the Delhi High Court it was reportedly dismissed.

Leaving aside the assistance being provided by the Legal Aid cells to the weaker sections, what action has the judiciary taken to regulate the fees of advocates and ensure its compliance? Is it even insisted that advocates issue receipts to their clients for the fees received by them? I can state from personal experience that walking upto an advocate to represent you in a case in any court is like walking into a trap. The moment you have signed the vakkalath you are literally at the mercy of the advocate and liable to fleeced to penury. The then Union Minister for Law, Ravi Shankar Prasad, had illustrated this with an example during his address at the concluding session of a seminar on ‘Access to Justice’ organized by the Supreme Court Advocate on Record Association.  He had said that at the beginning of the litigation the client came to the court in a car and the advocate was on a bicycle. By the time the case was over, the client was on a bicycle and the advocate in a car.

And, if at any stage you want to change him there is a, possibly unwritten, requirement of getting a no objection certificate from that advocate before your case can be handed over to a new advocate.

Your predecessor, Mr Dipak Misra, had said that the Indian judiciary is the most powerful in the world. He was right. We are well aware of how judges who had even held that right to life did not exist during the Emergency had upset the checks and balances, believed to have been provided in the Constitution between the three organs, and rendered even the legislature and executive redundant, as was evident in the manner in which even a constitutionally legislated National Judicial Appointments Commission Act was trashed.

Let me highlight the failures of the judiciary, as perceived by a citizen, through some pertinent questions in some illustrative cases.

Jayakrishnan Master was murdered in front of his primary school students in a class room on 1999, December 1. The trial court had convicted and sentenced to death 6 of the accused. The decision was upheld by the High Court of Kerala. But the apex court actually acquitted 5 of them and reduced the death sentence of one to life term. By this time all of them had completed about 14 years in jail and were released immediately or shortly thereafter. Soon one of them was involved in another gruesome (political) murder. T P Chandrasekhar was murdered with 52 wounds on his body. And we were shocked when the former convict in Jayakrishnan Master murder case disclosed that actually only he had been involved in that murder from amoung those who had been convicted earlier.

The pertinent questions:
1.      Isn’t it true that our jurisprudence is based on the premises that even if a hundred criminals escape not a single innocent one should be punished and that capital punishment is given in the rarest cases?
2.      Then how come 5 innocent persons were convicted by the trial court?
3.      How come the learned judges of the high court did not find out the error?
4.      How come the apex court even while acquitting all but one of the convicts, did not find any reason to bring the rest of those involved in the gruesome crime to book?
5.      Why no action had been taken against the investigators and the prosecutors who had successfully got 5 innocent persons sentenced to death in the trial court and got it upheld in the high court?

The next case I would like to take up is that of the air accident in the Mangalore Airport more than a decade back. When the compensation was to be distributed to the victims/next of kin it was initially ordered that they will all be uniformly paid. On appeal by the insurance company, the apex court had directed that it needs to be paid only in proportion to their income.


The pertinent questions here are:
1.      Had the carrier taken the income levels into account when charging for the tickets? Or, were the fares based on the income levels?
2.      Was the insurance provided free of cost?
3.      Even if it had been advertised as free (there is no indication of any such claims though), could it have been really free?
4.      Could any service have been free when the carrier was making profit equally from all the tickets sold?
5.      Wasn’t it gross discrimination against the passengers who had all paid equal fares (except in the cases of different fares paid based on the class of travel) and weren’t they entitled to equal treatment?

In Jancy Joseph vs State of Kerala (1999 (1) KLT 422), the question of applicability of Section 56 of the Civil Procedure Code while ordering arrests under the provisions of Section 27 of the Consumer Protection Act was considered by the Kerala High Court. Under Section 56 of the CPC, 'the court shall not order arrest or detention in the civil prison of a woman in execution of a decree for payment of money; regarding recovery of money from others, arrest can be ordered if it is found that the person concerned have means to pay'.

The judge had ruled that 'I quash Ext P5 in so far as it holds that woman can be arrested for recovery of money under Sec 27 of the (Consumer Protection) Act and that means of judgment debtor need not be considered when the power under S 27 is exercised for recovery of money'.

The pertinent questions:
1.      Even presuming that nothing had changed from 1908 to 1986, and the preamble of the Consumer Protection Act did not mean anything, how did the judge increase the discrimination in Sec 56 CPC by rendering void the issue of means in the case of ‘others’?
2.      How come the judge dumped Article 14 of the Constitution which mandates equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws when the law makers themselves had strictly abided by Article 15 which forbids discrimination against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them?

In Mary Chacko vs Jancy Joseph (2005 (3) KLT 925), a division bench headed by the then CJ of Kerala High Court considered the issue of the applicability of the same Sec 56 of CPC while enforcing the orders under Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act 1993 and ordered that women CAN be arrested because 'there is a clear basis for treating the public dues different from the purely private'.

And here are the important questions:

1.      Which article of the Constitution, or the laws made under it, provide for such discrimination?
2.      Which is the article of the Constitution that has empowered a judge to discriminate between Consumer Protection Act and Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act which themselves have not discriminated between defaulters on any grounds?

In Ittavira Vs Varkey (A 1964 SC 907) the apex court has ruled that 'courts have jurisdiction to decide right or to decide wrong and even though they decide wrong, the decrees rendered by them cannot be treated as nullities'. And in Misrilal Vs Sadasiviah (A 1965 SC 553) the apex court has reportedly ruled that 'there can be no interference in revision merely because the decision is erroneous in law or in fact where there is no error pertaining to jurisdiction'.

Here the questions are:
1.      Where does that leave the ordinary mortals?
2.      Can’t a court with jurisdiction pass any absurd, patently unfair, unjust order?
3.      What is the use of any litigant pursuing appeals?
4.      Even in the cases where appeals and revisions are allowed what is action taken on the erring judge(s) and for compensating the victims?

Supreme Court had held in Salem Advocate Bar Association, Tamil Nadu Vs. Union of India (UOI, (2005) 6 SCC 344) that “…grant of any adjournment let alone the first, second or third adjournment is not a right of a party. The grant of adjournment by a court has to be on a party showing special and extraordinary circumstance. It cannot be routine. While considering prayer for adjournment, it is necessary to keep in mind the legislative intent to restrict grant of adjournments.”

The question: Why is it that the courts continue to be notorious for their tareeq pe tareeq syndrome?

It was a serving CJI who admitted that 20 percent of the judge are corrupt.

Here the questions are:
1.      Did he commit contempt of court?
2.      If what he said was true what action had been taken to identify and punish them under the Prevention of Corruption Act?
3.      How many judges have been punished in corruption related cases?

Given that accepting money is not the only form of corruption, what actions have been taken in the following scams reportedly involving judges:

1.      The Mysore sex scandal.
2.      The Karnataka housing plots allotment scam.
3.      The Rajasthan sex for verdict scam.
4.      The case of a judge of the Mumbai High Court who he had reportedly sought the help of the underworld to get the tenants of his flat evicted.
5.      Cash at doorstep of one judge meant to be for another judge of similar name.
6.      P D Dinakaran land encroachment scam
7.      The case of non bailable warrant issued against the then President of India and the CJI by a lower court judge.

This is just a random recollection of some media reports.

When the Right to Information Act had been enacted there were many reports of judges claiming how they had actually being pioneers in upholding the right to information under the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. But the fact remains that when framing rules, the Chief Justices as competent authorities, had introduced prohibitive fees both for the application and additional fees towards cost of copies of documents. Worse, it was only the judiciary that had introduced a fee for even the 1st appeal which was merely an additional opportunity given to the public authority to correct any shortcomings in the reply by the public information officer. While these issues have been rationalized the issue of still holding the judicial part of court functions out of purview of disclosure under the RTI Act remains. This is an important issue because there are cases where even after final arguments are concluded decisions are not announced even after a couple of years and the advocates express helpless and known to advice their clients to write to the judge(s) directly. Of course there is also the fear that even if is permissible the possibility of a favorable verdict in the offing may go adverse!

The judiciary still has not completely complied with the provision for suo moto disclosures under Section 4(1)(b). At least I have not been able to locate the information about the monthly remuneration received by each of its judges either in the web site of the apex court or the Kerala High Court under the ‘RTI-disclosures under Sec 4(1)(b)’ option.

Even an application for such information had been thwarted with the reply that one can refer to the Supreme Court Judges (Salaries and Conditions of Service) Act, 1958 as amended
from time to time when the need was to provide the copy of the latest amendment applicable. Also an application for the copy/extract of the relevant law/rules where by judges of the higher courts are permitted to use Justice as prefix to their names got the response that ‘It is beyond the jurisdiction and scope of the duties of the CPIO, Supreme Court of India under the  Right to Information Act, 2005 to interpret the Iaw, judgments/orders of this Hon'ble Court or of any other Court, to glve explanation, opine, comment or advise on matters. Your request is not covered under Section 2 (f) of the Right to Information Act - 2O05

Of course, the judges have the freedom of blaming shoddy investigation and prosecution for miscarriage of justice. But then the question remains ‘who is responsible for the then CJI K G Balakrishnan claiming that the office of the CJI is out of purview of the RTI Act? ‘ And as of now there is also the question: what has happened to the appeal filed by the Supreme Court in the Supreme Court against the verdict of the division bench of the Delhi High Court in that matter?

The recent decision of the apex court in the Sabarimala issue is one of the most glaring examples of blatant violation of the Constitution and subversion of justice. It doesn’t require any arguments to acknowledge that the fundamental right to equality (Articles 14 and 15) is very much different from the fundamental right to freedom of religion (Articles 25 and 26) And if the court had to interfere with Article 25 and 26 under Articles 14 and 15, it was to remove the limitation of Article 25(2)(b) to only Hindu religious institutions of a public character. The closest that the bench which gave the verdict came to recognizing the crux of the issue was in defining the term denomination in Article 26. And there the authority for defining it should have been the dictionary or thesaurus and not the perception of the judges. It was a similar objectionable act of defining the term consultation in Article 124(2) that has led to the creation of a Collegium system of appointing and transferring judges. Whatever be the perceptions of the judiciary on this system ordinary citizens view it as upsetting the necessary check and balances provided by the authors of the Constitution. Parliamentary Standing Committee of the Ministry of Law and Justice, headed by Rajya Sabha member E.M.S Natchiappan, referring to the judiciary's last word in appointment of judges, said, 'Judges appointing judges is bad enough in itself; judges judging judges is worse.'

The latest to criticize the Sabarimala verdict of the apex court is the recently retired judge of the apex court, Kurien Joseph. In his interview to Times of India, he had stated that there was no need for the courts to interfere with religious practices. He had also gone on to justify the controversial press conference casting aspersions on the then Chief Justice of India. Inadvertently he had also exposed that there are some sitting judges who are biased in their views.

In any case, whatever has been happening in Kerala after the reopening of temple after the verdict, has been nothing less than catastrophic and the responsibility squarely rests at the doors of the apex court itself.

Writing in the Mathrubhumi of 10 Nov 2011 (‘Vidhi prathilomakaram thanne’ that is, the verdict is heinous), Adv Kaleeswaram Raj had stated that an extra constitutional, unannounced and invisible emergency is being imposed through our courts and civil society has to be alert to this and react effectively. The pity is that he has not expounded what form this reaction can take.

Kaleeswaram Raj also reminds me of Montesquieu (The Spirit of the Laws) who had said “There is no greater tyranny than that which is perpetrated under the shield of the law and in the name of justice.”

Justice Katju had said that in a democracy, the people are supreme, and therefore they are the superior entity, while all State authorities (including Judges) are inferior entities, being the servants of the people. And the National Commission to review the working of the Constitution had also explicitly stated that the highest office in a democracy is that of the citizen. These quotes are redundant to anyone who simply understands the meaning of the term democracy.

In the Indian context there is an urgent need to amend Articles 19, 129 and 215 of the Constitution, repeal the Contempt of Court Act (Act No 70 of 71) and restrict contempt of court to only such cases of willful non compliance with court orders. There is also the equally important need to constitute a National Judicial Accountability Commission with the powers to try and punish judges under all laws applicable for ordinary citizens but with twice the severity, being cases of professionals in law acting in violation of the law. Also, propriety will demand that the Commission is composed of eminent citizens nominated by various professional bodies, national award winners in various fields and registered NGOs with only one member from the legal field to guide the proceedings as in army court martials. Scope for appeal should be provided to an appellate authority comprising the Vice President, Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha.

What is required in a democracy is a Contempt of Citizen (Prevention of) Act.

Of course this is just a pointer to some issues concerning justice delivery which is an important function of the State. Strictly speaking the changes required extend to rewriting the Constitution itself as the very architect, Dr Ambedkar, himself had reportedly said “People always keep on saying to me, so you are the maker of the Constitution. My answer is I was a hack. What I was asked to, I did much against my will. I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it. It does not suit anybody.”

Another member of the Constituent Assembly, Seth Damodar Swarup, had said, 'this Constitution may be the biggest and bulkiest constitution in the world, may even be the most detailed one, it may be heaven for the lawyers, and may even be the Magna Carta for the capitalists of India, but so far as the poor and the tens of millions of toiling, starving and naked masses of India are concerned, there is nothing in it for them. For them it is a bulky volume, nothing more than waste paper.' In retrospect we surely know that he was being prophetic.

To conclude, let me quote William M. Windsor (‘How to Fight Judicial Corruption’, Tuesday, 24 May 2011   available at   http://www.lawlessamerica.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=379:how-to-fight-judicial-corruption&catid=109:legal-options&Itemid=105 )
When the opposing party violated the Rules and the law, I filed motions.  I quickly realized that the judges would protect the opposing party and attorney no matter what, but I did not let that stop me.  Every time I filed a Motion for Sanctions and the judge denied it for bogus reasons, I had more proof of judicial corruption.  I also had another appeal.  And when the appellate court protected the corrupt judge and the corrupt attorney for the other party, I had more proof of judicial corruption.  My goal will always be to obtain as much proof as possible of the corruption.


04 December 2018